362-44<BR> Pima wooden stick; sahrkuh (TK) for carrying a kéoh (TK) or kiaha, alt. giha; wood, buckskin, yucca, pigment; l. 123 cm., d. 2 cm.; wood; ca. 1880.<BR> Pima women carried heavy loads on their heads and backs in two ways. One was by means of a twilled fiber headring on which bundles of firewood and large pottery ollas were transported. A tumpline for carrying loads on the back was also employed, the forehead protected by a twilled fiber headband. The most ingenious and versatile mode of transportation of heavy loads in this way was by kiaha, a carrying net. Fibers from the maguey (Tasylirioni wheeleri), an Agave species, were spun and twisted in a two-ply twine into cordage before being woven into netting with a technique referred to as lace coiling. This fabric was attached to and suspended from a double willow hoop that was in turn attached by cords of human hair to the top of a four-pole frame of light ribs of the saguaro (Cereus giganteus), thus creating a large conical container in which anything might be transported: firewood, raw materials, harvested food such as mesquite beans and screw beans, pottery, even a baby. The large basketry net was furnished with a plaited head strap, woven from softened yucca fibers, to steady heavy loads. A long forked helping stick is used to set up the net for loading, and for getting up with a heavy load, sometimes up to 100 pounds. The back is protected by a plaited mat of agave or beargrass (Nolina) leaves, sometimes river cane.<BR> Girls as young as eight or ten begin using small kiahas, and learn carrying loads. Soon after they master the weaving of the net in a technique called lace coiling. Decorative geometric patterns result from the differences in coiling, varying from plain and twisted to elaborate, and from the application of blue and red mineral dye. The poles of the carrying frame of adolescent girls are painted with colored spots, and woven cords of hair are suspended from them. The helping stick has a long deerskin pendant at the forked end. When carrying a load, this stick extends from the load over the woman's head, with the skin dangling in above and in front of her head. The Papagos used the same carrying device as the Pimas, but they used fibers from the century plant (Agave heteracantha) for weaving the nets that were shallower and wider than those of their neighbors. Moreover, the poles for suspending and carrying the net on the back extended beyond the net. (Whittemore 1893:54; Mason 1904:294,339,520; Russell 1908:140-143; Kissell 1916:225-244; Shreve 1943:15; Cain 1962:25-26; Katzenberg 1977:137,142; Bahr 1983:188; Tanner 1983:151-155,172-173; Bernstein et.al. 2003:70; Herold 2005:94-95).<BR> In a note added to the carrying stick, Ten Kate showed himself much impressed by the dexterity with which Indian women handled their carrying nets and supporting sticks, and added that he doubted whether he would have been able to handle the large contraption, especially when loaded. The fork of the Leiden specimen is held apart by a piece of buckskin going through the split, securely fastened on the fork ends and stick by cordage of twisted yucca. The stick shows some remains of red pigment.<BR> <BR> <BR> 362-28 through 32, 40 through 44, 79, 80, 81 Piman basketry<BR> All authors who studied Piman basketry have stressed that it is often difficult to distinguish between Pima and Papago baskets (Kissell 1916; Tanner 1983:120-174; Whiteford 1988:117-142). Although tribal identifications of early baskets have been and still are based on raw materials used, basket shapes, and decorative treatment, these and other authors also point to the trade in raw materials for basketry between Pimas and Papagos, the exchange of baskets in trade, and intermarriage in the nineteenth century (e.g. Underhill 1939:103). The degree of intervention of these factors on tribal typology of basketry styles is difficult to determine, but tribal typology of basketry thus becomes a somewhat tenuous endeavor. For this chapter of the Ten Kate catalogue a cautious approach is employed. In every case it is indicated among which group Ten Kate collected the individual baskets. On the basis of diagnostic traits a tribal identification has been suggested, following the lead of American experts in the field.<BR> <BR> The Pimas were the most productive weavers of containers, as the raw materials required for their manufacture were relatively abundant in their territory which was dissected by watercourses as the Gila, San Pedro, Santa Cruz and Aravaipa. In the more arid Papaguería these were much harder to find. Thus, the Pimas traded raw materials with their southern neighbors, as well as many of their own baskets. In their coils they used bundles of cattail (Thypha agustifolia) with cottonwood (Populus fremontii) sometimes as a substitute, resulting in a thinner, more pliable but less durable container. Papago baskets are thicker, stiffer and sturdier because the use of bundles of beargrass (Nolina microcarpa) for the foundation, and sometimes Spanish bayonet (Yucca baccata) as a substitute. For the binding, Pimas used light-colored willow (Salix nigra or Salix gooddingii) and cottonwood extensively, while dark-colored devil's claw (Martynia fragrans) was used only sparingly, and that almost exclusively limited to designs. In contrast, the Papagos overwhelmingly wove with devil's claw, only sometimes with sotol (Dasylirium wheeleri) and used willow for the design. Only when they wove with willow, the designs were applied in a heavy pattern of devil's claw. Thus, in Papago baskets dark tends to dominate light, while in Pima basketry light tends to dominate dark. Tray and bowl shapes tend to differ slightly between the tribes, although the differences are more marked among the latter. The Papagos weave bowls of more globular form, while the Pima bowls tend to be bell-shaped. Papago trays tend to be a bit deeper and have a flatter base. Both groups flattened the coiled surfaces of their baskets by pounding them between stones when they were still moist. This created a flatter surface than usual in coiled basketry.<BR> <BR> Diagonal twilled plaiting is the second technique of basketry weaving the Papagos and Pimas used frequently. Manufactures in this technique included mats for a variety of utilitarian purposes in the household and to protect a woman's back while carrying heavy loads, headbands for tumplines and headrings for carrying pots, cylindrical storage baskets with a square base, and rectangular medicine baskets. Papagos and Mexican Pimas used the thorny leaves of sotol for plaiting. These were first stripped of their sharp spines, and subsequently split lengthwise and dried. Before use they are moistened and left overnight in damp earth, to make them flexible and easy to weave with. Pimas used river cane (Phragmites communis) for plaiting baskets. Plaited baskets were almost always left undecorated. The square-bottomed baskets were used to store food, household utensils, tools, and a variety of personal possessions. Papagos strained their saguaro wine through such baskets. The Northern Papagos were most adept at making coiled basketry while the Southern Papagos excelled at plaiting baskets and matting (Mason 1904:519-525, plates 50,58-61,63,233-235; Russell 1908:145-148; Kissell 1916:150-165; Beals 1934:21-24; Spier 1936:17; Shreve 1943; Douglas 19??; Di Peso 1956:408-415; Cain 1962:28-30; Whiteford 1988:120,132; Bernstein et.al. 2003:35,70-71).<BR> <BR> The O'odam used baskets for a great variety of utilitarian purposes, notably the gathering, preparation, serving, and storage of food, and the keep of personal belongings. Beyond that daily sphere baskets were made by girls during their menstrual seclusion period, and were used in gift exchanges within extended families (Underhill 1939), were used as drums, and held ceremonial items of healers.<BR> (Hovens 2009) <BR> <BR> <BR> Een houten stok behorende bij een draagmand(?).<BR>